1993 Demo is Bal-Sagoth's debut release. It was recorded in just a few hours, in a small recording studio above a curry shop in Sheffield. They "never officially released it because it was never officially finished", but they started releasing it among the underground music tape trading communities.
Two of the tracks were later released as bonus tracks on the Japanese sublicensed edition of the fifth Bal-Sagoth album Atlantis Ascendant in 2001. The intro on the demo is taken from the 1987 film Masters of the Universe.
Bal-Sagoth vocalist/lyricist Byron Roberts has stated in recent interviews that plans are underway to remaster the demo tracks and release them as a limited edition CD.
Track listing
Personnel
*Byron Roberts - vocals
*Chris Maudling - guitars
*Jason Porter - bass
*Vincent Crabtree - keyboards
*Jonny Maudling - drums
Two of the tracks were later released as bonus tracks on the Japanese sublicensed edition of the fifth Bal-Sagoth album Atlantis Ascendant in 2001. The intro on the demo is taken from the 1987 film Masters of the Universe.
Bal-Sagoth vocalist/lyricist Byron Roberts has stated in recent interviews that plans are underway to remaster the demo tracks and release them as a limited edition CD.
Track listing
Personnel
*Byron Roberts - vocals
*Chris Maudling - guitars
*Jason Porter - bass
*Vincent Crabtree - keyboards
*Jonny Maudling - drums
Fantasy Suicide Football is a variation of two popular fantasy sports games, Fantasy Football and suicide pools (also known as Survivor fantasy leagues). Fantasy suicide football combines the player recognition and statistical analysis of traditional fantasy football leagues with the "use 'em and lose 'em" aspect of suicide pools. Instead of drafting a team at the beginning of each season, participants (or "owners") pick a limited number of players each week. Those players become their team for the week. Based on the real life performance of the NFL players, each owner's team accumulates points for certain categories (i.e. passing yards, rushing yards, touchdowns). Each player may only be used once during the same season.
Game Play
Each week of the NFL season, an owner chooses 1 quarterback, 1 running back and 1 wide receiver for their team. This is the base version of the game; however, some leagues add additional players to the selection process (i.e. 2 running backs, 1 kicker, etc). Points are accumulated each week summing to the owners cumulative season score. The owner with the highest score at the end of the year is declared the league champion.
Fantasy suicide football differs from traditional fantasy football in several ways. First, each owner does not draft a single team to use for the whole season. Instead, they chose different players to make up their team each week. Also, in fantasy suicide football, owners in the same league can have the same player on their team in a given week. In traditional fantasy leagues, a player is property of only one team at any given point during the season. Finally, the suicide aspect allows for each owner to only start a player once during the season; where as traditional leagues allow the same player to be started every week of the season if the owner saw fit.
History
Fantasy suicide football is relatively new to the internet. The first suicide format Playoff game on the internet was launched in 2007 by FFL Extra, who has recently re-branded as PlayoffBlitz.com. In 2008, the Sporting News held its own version called Pick 3. CBS Sports also had its own variation which was a sponsored game by Sprint.
In 2009, two sites dedicated to fantasy suicide football have launched, Fantasy Suicide and Suicide Fantasy Football. There are also alternate variations of the game on FFL Extra and [http://fftoday.com/contests/3andout.php 3 and Out!].
Fantasy Suicide Football Leagues
* Fantasy Suicide
* Lithium Sports
* Suicide Fantasy Football
* PlayoffBlitz
* [http://fftoday.com/contests/3andout.php 3 and Out!]
* Sporting News
* CBS Sports
Game Play
Each week of the NFL season, an owner chooses 1 quarterback, 1 running back and 1 wide receiver for their team. This is the base version of the game; however, some leagues add additional players to the selection process (i.e. 2 running backs, 1 kicker, etc). Points are accumulated each week summing to the owners cumulative season score. The owner with the highest score at the end of the year is declared the league champion.
Fantasy suicide football differs from traditional fantasy football in several ways. First, each owner does not draft a single team to use for the whole season. Instead, they chose different players to make up their team each week. Also, in fantasy suicide football, owners in the same league can have the same player on their team in a given week. In traditional fantasy leagues, a player is property of only one team at any given point during the season. Finally, the suicide aspect allows for each owner to only start a player once during the season; where as traditional leagues allow the same player to be started every week of the season if the owner saw fit.
History
Fantasy suicide football is relatively new to the internet. The first suicide format Playoff game on the internet was launched in 2007 by FFL Extra, who has recently re-branded as PlayoffBlitz.com. In 2008, the Sporting News held its own version called Pick 3. CBS Sports also had its own variation which was a sponsored game by Sprint.
In 2009, two sites dedicated to fantasy suicide football have launched, Fantasy Suicide and Suicide Fantasy Football. There are also alternate variations of the game on FFL Extra and [http://fftoday.com/contests/3andout.php 3 and Out!].
Fantasy Suicide Football Leagues
* Fantasy Suicide
* Lithium Sports
* Suicide Fantasy Football
* PlayoffBlitz
* [http://fftoday.com/contests/3andout.php 3 and Out!]
* Sporting News
* CBS Sports
Human Fit, in the sense of the lived experience, emerges from the relational nature of human existence, at the contact boundary between the individual and anything else they encounter. This echoes the Gestalt notion of a contact boundary.
Origins
Fit is used to frame interpersonal relationships in multiple contexts e.g. business, politics, team sport etc. It is there in the language we use e.g. "there was a poor cultural fit", "we want to get into bed with them", "they are our kind of people, "there is chemistry between us" etc.
'Fit' is particularly prevalent as a construct within organisations and organisational discourse e.g. 'organisational fit’, ‘cultural fit’, ‘interpersonal fit’, ‘team fit’, ‘management style fit’. The ultimate objective of any professed desire or need in this territory is what might be termed 'good fit', the opposite of which would be 'bad fit'.
Both are subjective constructs that are configured by the individual's phenomenological map of the world. Whilst the literature on, say, cultural fit is broad and deep, to date that on interpersonal fit, or how fit emerges in the moment in human systems, is limited.
Human Fit and Organisations
Organisational fit is often framed around issues of 'culture', which in organisational terms is
"difficult to define, but you generally know when you have found an employee who appears to fit your culture. He just 'feels' right."
Source: About.com
The notion of a 'fit' between person and organisation is both explicit and implicit. Organisational culture is often defined as being constructed from elements not dissimilar to that of an individual person(ality) i.e.
"the values, beliefs, underlying assumptions, interests, experiences, upbringing, and habits that create a person’s behavior."
Source: About.com
These shared values, beliefs and assumptions in turn drive behaviour within the organisation, such that 'culture' can be seen to equal the behaviours of those people within the system.
How that behaviour is experienced in turn drives the experience and perception of 'fit'. This relationship between behaviour and how it is constructed within the individual personalities within a system can equally be found in the constructs of 'Team Fit', 'Management Style Fit' and 'Interpersonal Fit', all of which appear within the literature and rhetoric of person-organisation relations.
Fit Discourse
In person-to-person relationships, common metaphors/synonyms include 'chemistry' and 'rapport'. Organisationally, metaphors of human relationships and desire are common, particularly in the literature regarding mergers & acquisitions e.g.: 'marriage', 'get in to bed with' etc.
Literature on the shadow side of organisational life, emotion and more recently the role of desire in decision making offer alternative lenses through which to reflect on the nature of 'human fit' in organisations.
Origins
Fit is used to frame interpersonal relationships in multiple contexts e.g. business, politics, team sport etc. It is there in the language we use e.g. "there was a poor cultural fit", "we want to get into bed with them", "they are our kind of people, "there is chemistry between us" etc.
'Fit' is particularly prevalent as a construct within organisations and organisational discourse e.g. 'organisational fit’, ‘cultural fit’, ‘interpersonal fit’, ‘team fit’, ‘management style fit’. The ultimate objective of any professed desire or need in this territory is what might be termed 'good fit', the opposite of which would be 'bad fit'.
Both are subjective constructs that are configured by the individual's phenomenological map of the world. Whilst the literature on, say, cultural fit is broad and deep, to date that on interpersonal fit, or how fit emerges in the moment in human systems, is limited.
Human Fit and Organisations
Organisational fit is often framed around issues of 'culture', which in organisational terms is
"difficult to define, but you generally know when you have found an employee who appears to fit your culture. He just 'feels' right."
Source: About.com
The notion of a 'fit' between person and organisation is both explicit and implicit. Organisational culture is often defined as being constructed from elements not dissimilar to that of an individual person(ality) i.e.
"the values, beliefs, underlying assumptions, interests, experiences, upbringing, and habits that create a person’s behavior."
Source: About.com
These shared values, beliefs and assumptions in turn drive behaviour within the organisation, such that 'culture' can be seen to equal the behaviours of those people within the system.
How that behaviour is experienced in turn drives the experience and perception of 'fit'. This relationship between behaviour and how it is constructed within the individual personalities within a system can equally be found in the constructs of 'Team Fit', 'Management Style Fit' and 'Interpersonal Fit', all of which appear within the literature and rhetoric of person-organisation relations.
Fit Discourse
In person-to-person relationships, common metaphors/synonyms include 'chemistry' and 'rapport'. Organisationally, metaphors of human relationships and desire are common, particularly in the literature regarding mergers & acquisitions e.g.: 'marriage', 'get in to bed with' etc.
Literature on the shadow side of organisational life, emotion and more recently the role of desire in decision making offer alternative lenses through which to reflect on the nature of 'human fit' in organisations.
WeDpro, Inc. and WeDpro are shortened names for the Women’s Education, Development, Productivity and Research Organization, a non-profit organization in the Philippines that is registered with the Philippine Security and Exchange Commission. It identifies itself as a feminist organization whose main objectives include "the protection and promotion human rights of women, youth and their communities". WeDpro was founded in 1989 by former members of the Katipunan ng Kababaihan para sa Kalayaan (KALAYAAN). WeDpro partners with government agencies (such as local government units in municipalities and cities), non-governmental organizations (such as the Institute for Popular Democracy), and intra-governmental organizations (such as the European Union).
WeDpro Inc.'s Efforts to tackle the problem of Commercial Sexual exploitation of Women
Entrepreneurship Programme for the Urban Poor and Survivors of Violence
This entrepreneurship program targets urban poor communities and survivors of violence & sex trafficking. Together with Nagkakaisang Kababaihan ng Angeles (NAGKA) ("United Women of Angeles") and Buklod ng Kababaihan ("Women Bonding)," WeDpro relaunched its Social Entrepreneurship Program (SEP) in January, 2011. This program was originally established to assist survivors of military prostitution in Olongapo (1980s) and in Angeles(1990s) after the US military left the two cities. The primary purpose of the entrepreneurship program was to provide economic opportunities for the vulnerable and marginalized populations of these young, urban poor women through the development of the micro-enterprises. Examples of these micro-enterprises include textile-based manufacturing, papercrafts making and “ukay-ukay” (sale of vintage/second hand clothes, books and other household items). What started out as an establishment to assist survivors of military prostitution, has evolved since then to champion the causes of vulnerable and marginalized populations of youth and urban poor women.
Involvement in Research
WeDpro Inc. also engages in research and studies directed towards the advancement of these women. In order to promote greater awareness of social issues like women’s rights, it publishes and disseminates the research findings regularly. "Surviving Violence and Trafficking - Stories of Women and Youth", a two-volume research report was launched recently. The publication documented the findings, recommendations and features case studies, that WeDpro came across during its activities in November 2009 for the project, Private and Public Faces of Violence against Women: Addressing Domestic Violence and Trafficking in the Urban Poor Communities and “Entertainment Centers” of Angeles and Olongapo City.
The Youth Tell Their Stories: Breaking Silences, Using Information & Communication Technology (ICT) as Form of Healing
In order to enable the youths to heal from their traumatic experiences of violence and sex trafficking, Wedpro launched a program called The Youth Tell Their Stories: Breaking Silences, Using ICTs as a Form of Healing Workshop. The aim of the program was to provide an opportunity to participants who are mainly young, urban poor women from Angeles and Olongapo to voice out their painful experiences so as to achieve closure and healing. This was done mainly using digital media. The utilization of digital media/art for the sharing process was described as not only therapeutic for story-tellers, but also had the potential of making a bigger impact on the Philippines’ quest against sex trafficking. These sessions were facilitated by relevant experts in the area concerned as well as community activists, both of whom would be working with WeDpro to help in the rehabilitation process of these youth and women.
Limitations of WeDpro Inc.’s Efforts to Combat Sexual Exploitation of Women
Currently, WeDpro Inc.’s major efforts seem to be geared only towards providing rehabilitation for the survivors of the sex industry. WeDpro has had limited success in actually stopping women from being lured into the sex industry by criminal syndicates in the first place. This is because a number of interacting factors such as rural poverty, gender inequality and weak institutions play an overwhelming role in pushing more and more women into urban areas looking for better opportunities. These factors are simply beyond the control of WeDpro.
In the report, Globalization and International Sex Trafficking in Women, which was co-produced by WeDpro Inc. and Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific (CATW-AP), international migration is cited as the anchor of trafficking for labour and sex. At least 50 million migrants are women and 30 million of them come from developing countries such as the Philippines, Sri Lanka and other South countries. Given the sheer size of the migration of women in the Philippines, the limited reach of WeDpro’s programmes is hardly going to make a dent in the number of women trapped in the sex industry. Furthermore, WeDpro’s efforts are also unfortunately offset by corrupt government officials, the lack of capacity of many immigration authorities to check movements across porous borders and absence of anti-trafficking laws in the Philippines.
WeDpro Inc.'s Efforts to tackle the problem of Commercial Sexual exploitation of Women
Entrepreneurship Programme for the Urban Poor and Survivors of Violence
This entrepreneurship program targets urban poor communities and survivors of violence & sex trafficking. Together with Nagkakaisang Kababaihan ng Angeles (NAGKA) ("United Women of Angeles") and Buklod ng Kababaihan ("Women Bonding)," WeDpro relaunched its Social Entrepreneurship Program (SEP) in January, 2011. This program was originally established to assist survivors of military prostitution in Olongapo (1980s) and in Angeles(1990s) after the US military left the two cities. The primary purpose of the entrepreneurship program was to provide economic opportunities for the vulnerable and marginalized populations of these young, urban poor women through the development of the micro-enterprises. Examples of these micro-enterprises include textile-based manufacturing, papercrafts making and “ukay-ukay” (sale of vintage/second hand clothes, books and other household items). What started out as an establishment to assist survivors of military prostitution, has evolved since then to champion the causes of vulnerable and marginalized populations of youth and urban poor women.
Involvement in Research
WeDpro Inc. also engages in research and studies directed towards the advancement of these women. In order to promote greater awareness of social issues like women’s rights, it publishes and disseminates the research findings regularly. "Surviving Violence and Trafficking - Stories of Women and Youth", a two-volume research report was launched recently. The publication documented the findings, recommendations and features case studies, that WeDpro came across during its activities in November 2009 for the project, Private and Public Faces of Violence against Women: Addressing Domestic Violence and Trafficking in the Urban Poor Communities and “Entertainment Centers” of Angeles and Olongapo City.
The Youth Tell Their Stories: Breaking Silences, Using Information & Communication Technology (ICT) as Form of Healing
In order to enable the youths to heal from their traumatic experiences of violence and sex trafficking, Wedpro launched a program called The Youth Tell Their Stories: Breaking Silences, Using ICTs as a Form of Healing Workshop. The aim of the program was to provide an opportunity to participants who are mainly young, urban poor women from Angeles and Olongapo to voice out their painful experiences so as to achieve closure and healing. This was done mainly using digital media. The utilization of digital media/art for the sharing process was described as not only therapeutic for story-tellers, but also had the potential of making a bigger impact on the Philippines’ quest against sex trafficking. These sessions were facilitated by relevant experts in the area concerned as well as community activists, both of whom would be working with WeDpro to help in the rehabilitation process of these youth and women.
Limitations of WeDpro Inc.’s Efforts to Combat Sexual Exploitation of Women
Currently, WeDpro Inc.’s major efforts seem to be geared only towards providing rehabilitation for the survivors of the sex industry. WeDpro has had limited success in actually stopping women from being lured into the sex industry by criminal syndicates in the first place. This is because a number of interacting factors such as rural poverty, gender inequality and weak institutions play an overwhelming role in pushing more and more women into urban areas looking for better opportunities. These factors are simply beyond the control of WeDpro.
In the report, Globalization and International Sex Trafficking in Women, which was co-produced by WeDpro Inc. and Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific (CATW-AP), international migration is cited as the anchor of trafficking for labour and sex. At least 50 million migrants are women and 30 million of them come from developing countries such as the Philippines, Sri Lanka and other South countries. Given the sheer size of the migration of women in the Philippines, the limited reach of WeDpro’s programmes is hardly going to make a dent in the number of women trapped in the sex industry. Furthermore, WeDpro’s efforts are also unfortunately offset by corrupt government officials, the lack of capacity of many immigration authorities to check movements across porous borders and absence of anti-trafficking laws in the Philippines.