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Diuwe{{•}}Awyu }}

Citak people (Kau or Kaunak; also known as Cicak which is the exonym of the Awyu people for this ethnic group) are an ethnic group that inhabits South Papua, Indonesia. They use the Citak language (Kau Adagum) as a language of communication between the people of this ethnic. Based on its dialect, this language is divided into Tamnim, Diuwe, and Citak dialects.

History

Initially, the Citak people led a semi-nomadic life, living in small villages scattered around the Brazza River. After being forced by the Dutch East Indies government, they began to live permanently in larger villages, This was intended to make it easier for the Dutch East Indies government to control them.

The Citak people uses a matrilineal kinship system with the custom of settling down and marrying matrilocally. Apart from that, the Citak people also did not recognize the clan system. Although this slowly changed with the arrival of the Christian missionary.

Distribution

The Citak people inhabits the upper reaches of the Brazza River and is bordered to the east by the upper reaches of the Digul River, while to the west it is bordered by the Pulau River and the Wildeman River. To the west live the Asmat people, to the south are the Awyu people (Mitak). Their language has similarities with the Asmat language, so that some linguists tend to classify them as one of the Asmat-speaking people.

Their villages are Daikut, Samnak, Sipanap, Senggo, Kunasuma, Basman, Tiau, Amazu, Binerbis, Bidneu (Bidnew), Vamu (Vomu, Fomu), Ipem, Binam, Vakam, Bi-Namzein (Mbinamzain), Womin, Sagamu, Buruba, Abau, Komasma (Kumasma), Vou, Imembi, Patipi, Piramanak, Burbis, Binam, Sagis, Emenepe, Tokemau, Dja-wok, and Asserep. Administratively, the area inhabited by this ethnic is included in the district of Citak Mitak (Senggo Village), Mappi Regency, South Papua, Indonesia. The population of this ethnic is around 8,000 people.

Society

The staple food of the Citak people is sago supplemented with fish and meat. Sago and fish are the products of women, while meat is the result of hunting by men. The men hunt using boats measuring 4 meters long, smaller than the family boats which are 10 meters long.

Culture

The relics of the Citak people which are in the Asmat Museum of Culture and Progress are stored in the Yupmakcain collection. According to the museum's director, Eric Sarkol, the name was given by his predecessor Yufentius Biakai. According to Biakai, the name Yupmakcain is the emic name of the northern areas of Binam and Mbinamzain. Some examples of this branch of tribal art are drama and fine arts which are part of traditional ceremonies. Similar to the Asmat people, some of the carving art is in the form of shield carvings with color choices similar to other southwestern art styles such as the Asmat and the Awyu peoples.

Tradition

Agu Ibit

According to Pido, a zauwaibit (war leader) who came from Senggo Lama, initially this ethnic lived in tree houses but then changed because it was dangerous for small children who could easily fall. The ancestral legend of this tribe is Agu Ibit which was narrated by Pido to Josef Haas in 1981 (translated based on recordings by Alexander de Antoni, Stefanus Supprobo, and Cornelis in Senggo, 2007):

Agu Ibit stepped out of the water onto land. After spending the night in the river, he sat on a ki tree, and then he also sat on a tinak tree. After defecating he then urinates in the morning. He then jumped from tree to tree, then on top of the tree he faced west. Then you put on a belt made of shells and a necklace made of dog teeth. He then stood up with stiff legs and opened his hands on the ki tree. "Oh ki tree, please grant good weather, so that your arms can move freely", in a cheerful voice, "I'm looking for something to eat, please don't let it rain, I want to hunt big rats, cassowaries, and fish in the river. If there was a woman there, I would want to hit sago". Fo....fo.... Then another woman said, "I stayed in this afternoon to breastfeed the baby". It's a very hot afternoon, and I want to go far away. Agu Ibit has promised good weather. On the ki tree, on the kuru tree, on the badam tree, on the utua tree, wood tree, pambam tree, tinak leaf, tree leaves, sago palm. Sago palm leaves, your gaze is shining. Agu Ibit, Agu Ibit, Tanambitda ('male-foot sun' another name for Agu Ibit), Tanambitda, your eyes shine all day long. Now you will depart from east to west, until you disappear.

See also

• Indigenous people of New Guinea
• Asmat people

References

Category:South Papua Citak

Malays{{•}}Jakun }}

The Orang Darat () or the Orang Hutan () are an indigenous ethnic group that inhabits the interior forests of the Riau Islands, specifically in the island of Rempang which is administratively part of the city of Batam. The village they currently live in is only Kampung Sadap. Their tendency to migrate after marrying into other ethnic groups, most of whom call themselves Malays, reluctant to acknowledge their roots as Orang Darat, hastened the extinction of the population.

They are one of three indigenous peoples classified as Rempang Malays, the others are the Galang Malays (descendants of Malays from Galang Island) and the Orang Laut (sea nomads who live on the coast of the island or offshore). Some others who are less well known are the Sabimba people (of Bugis descent) who live in the forests around Senimba Bay. They have been influenced by Sunni Islam, the roots of which date back to the time of the Riau-Lingga Sultanate.

Etymology

The name "Orang Darat" () itself comes from the name given to them because they live on land, unlike the "Orang Laut" () who spend their lives at sea. The outsiders, especially Malays, prefer to call them "Orang Hutan" (), because they live in the interior of the forest and depend on natural resources.

In the Dutch documentation, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal, Land en Volkenkunde, Deel LXX Aflevering I (Journal of Language, Land and Ethnology of the Dutch East Indies, Volume LXX Issue I), 1930, using the term "Orang Darat" or "Orang Oetan (Hutan)" for the native inhabitants of the island of Rempang. However, the name "Orang Hutan" has negative connotations for them, because the term is similar to the orangutan species and they prefer the term "Orang Darat".

Origin

According to the book entitled Orang Darat di Pulau Rempang Tersisih Dampak Pembangunan Kota Batam (2023) written by Dedi Arman, summarized in several literatures, the Orang Darat comes from three different regions. It is suspected that the Orang Darat originated from Lingga, Terengganu in Malaysia, and from Siantan Island, which is now part of the Anambas Islands.

Different in linguistic observations, Wink in 1930, said that the Orang Darat were similar to the indigenous people in Malaysia, namely, the Orang Jakun in Johor and Pahang. Meanwhile, German linguist, Hans Kähler, believes that the Orang Darat are related to the indigenous people of Malaysia, namely the Orang Senoi. He processed Dutch colonial data from the Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië (1939).

In that 1939 report, the Orang Darat represented the nomadic pre-Malay population. The Orang Darat live a nomadic life, exchanging forest products for food and bartering used goods with Chinese traders. They live from hunting and fishing as well. Some of Kähler's findings indicate that the Orang Darat had a weapon similar to a blowpipe (sumpit). Likewise, their only pet is a dog. The Orang Darat live a monogamous life and have no official tribal chief.

Dedi Arman, a researcher at the National Research and Innovation Agency (Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional; BRIN), said that there has been no research confirming the origin of the Orang Darat in Rempang. But they represent an Proto-Malay heritage population. From time to time, several pieces of literature also mention that the Orang Darat is in a state of threatened extinction. Ahmad Dahlan, in his book entitled Sejarah Melayu (2014), actually explains that the Orang Darat in Rempang came from Sri Lanka.

History

Batam, which is known as a developing city, has an inland area in the forests of the islands of Rempang and Galang. Here live the native people of Batam, both from the Orang Laut and the Orang Darat, or what were previously also known as the Orang Hutan. It is known that since the opening of the island of Rempang through the presence of the Barelang Bridge, the lives of the Orang Darat have become increasingly marginalized. Those who usually live nomadically in the Rempang forests are being pushed out by the settlements and businesses of the newcomers there.

The Orang Darat are distinct from the Orang Laut. Although they are considered indigenous to the Riau Islands, their lifestyles are distinct. As the name suggests. The Orang Darat live on land, inhabiting the forests of the islands of Batam and Rempang. Meanwhile, the Orang Laut live at sea, living around the islands of Lingga and Bintan. However, they are known to be related based on the same ancestry from the Proto-Malay.

Archives from the Dutch colonial era written by P. Wink on 4 February 1930, mention that there was an indigenous people on the island of Rempang from the writings of J.G. Shchot published in De Indische Gids in 1882. Legend has it that they originated from the island of Lingga. However, there is no clear information about this origin. These Orang Darat are similar to the indigenous people of Johor and Pahang, the Orang Jakun. Apart from that, the Orang Darat are also known to be closely related to the Orang Barok on Lipan Island (Lingga) and the Orang Kuala on Tanjung Batu (Karimun).

The Orang Darat on Rempang live in huts without walls and only roofs. Apart from living in Rempang, there are also they who live on the island of Batam. According to P. Wink, in that year the number of Orang Darat there was around 36 people. This consisted of 8 men, 12 women, and 16 children. They make their living by farming and gathering forest products. When the tide is high, they search for crabs and sea cucumbers. These are then traded with Chinese people who own gambier plantations in the area. They also enjoyed drinking alcoholic beverages and smoking tobacco, which they obtained from the Chinese traders using a barter system, in exchange for rattan that they collected from the forest.

It is generally known that civilization in Rempang and its surroundings only existed in the 19th century, or around 1834. If we look deeper, life on Rempang, Galang, and its surroundings has existed since the time of the Malacca Sultanate, a Malay kingdom centered in the city of Malacca. This was revealed by Dedi Arman, a History Researcher at the Regional Research Center, National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN). In the 19th century, said Dedi, there were many reports or files stating that the Dutch official, Elisha Netscher, had visited Rempang around 1946. At that time, Rempang was already inhabited by many people, who came from the Galang Malays, Orang Darat, and Orang Laut.

Around 1973, the central government, through the Department of Social Affairs, made a policy to settle the Orang Darat, Through the Isolated Community Welfare Development (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing; PKMT) program, the Orang Darat were resettled in one location, Kampung Sadap in the district of Galang. Kampung Sadap was chosen because the forest is still well-maintained and close to the sea and river. This village is also close to Kampung Cate, one of the areas that was inhabited by the Malay people in 1973. Administratively, in 1973, Kampung Sadap was included in the district of South Bintan.

Population

The establishment of the island of Batam as an industrial development area by the Batam Island Industrial Area Development Authority has undoubtedly impact on the lives and population of the Orang Darat. The presence of the Barelang Bridge has made people from the city of Batam flock to open businesses in Rempang and Galang. Plantation and agricultural businesses emerged in Rempang and Galang. Then there were livestock, coal, and charcoal kilns.

The impact of land clearing has been felt by a small population of Orang Darat. Those who traditionally move from one forest to another are increasingly marginalized in Kampung Sadap. According to National Research and Innovation Agency (Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional; BRIN) research, as of August 2021, the Orang Darat only occupy two hectares of land in Kampung Sadap. Apart from their habitat becoming smaller, their numbers are also decreasing.

The population of the Orang Darat is known to be steadily declining. According to Kähler's research, published in Berlin in 1960, there were 30 individuals. 13 of them were in Batu Aji, Batam and 17 others were in Rempang. Then in 1975, in an article in Tempo published in June 1975, it was stated that there were 19 Orang Darat people. They settled in Kampung Sadap. The article stated that the condition of the Orang Darat was worrying because only three women remained. Since Rempang began to be visited by many immigrants, they have married people from outside the Orang Darat, for example, Malays, Sundanese, and even Flores.

In 2008, Tempo wrote a release stating that the number of land people in Kampung Sadap in 1995 was 12 families. The BRIN research stated that in 2014 the number of Orang Darat remained at only 8 families. Then this number shrank again in 2021, the number of Orang Darat was reduced to 4 families with 9 people in Kampung Sadap. Besides in Kampung Sadap, there is 1 family living in Kampung Cate.

The shrinking population of the Orang Darat is due to some deciding to migrate to other islands and no longer recognizing themselves as Orang Darat, and also due to many dying from illness. Another reason is the limited number of Orang Darat, making it difficult for them to find partners. A number of Orang Darat men aged between 30 and 40 years were found to be unmarried. In Kampung Sadap, only one Orang Darat man has children and that is because he married a woman from West Java.

A report released by Kompas on 18 February 2023, revealed that the number of Orang Darat on Rempang was only 5 people. This number was revealed by the Head of RT 003/RW 001, Rempang Cate Urban Village. It's said, that the Orang Darat still live in wooden houses in the forest. The difference is that they no longer live a nomadic lifestyle, as their forests have dwindled and they've also adapted to food availability. This number has even decreased rapidly compared to the 1970s, according to BRIN research, namely 30 families.

The five Orang Darat remaining in 2023 were Lamat, Senah (Lamat's father-in-law), Opo (Lamat's younger brother), Tongku, and Baru (Lamat's nephew). Meanwhile, Lamat's wife had died from an illness. Of the five remaining Orang Darat, only Tongku had children. He married a Sundanese woman from West Java and had three children. According to Mongabay in 2024, the population of Orang Darat of mixed and pure descent was estimated at 50–60 people with an estimated 15 families. However, other sources state that in January 2024 the number was less than 10 families.

Religion

In Wink's notes in 1930, although the Orang Darat were considered adherents of native religion, they recognized the concept of "Allah". They are also said to have a tradition of ancestor reverence, based on fear of revenge from the deceased. However, since the 1960s, they have embraced Islam.

Lifestyle

The Orang Darat usually live under large trees in makeshift buildings made of plywood and wood. They who have long lived in forests are susceptible to various diseases, such as beriberi, and malaria. When the forests on Rempang were still vast, they lived nomadically or moved around to adapt to the availability of food in the area. However, nowadays they are no longer nomadic because food supplies are dwindling, considering that the forests they inhabit are getting smaller.

Because the forests in Rempang are almost gone, the Orang Darat finally try to survive by looking for food in the sea. However, they are only skilled at catching crabs and fish with traps (bubu) on the coast. This is because their lifestyle differs from that of the Orang Laut. Due to changes in their place of residence, many Orang Darat no longer follow their traditional lifestyle and mix with other immigrant communities.

They are also known to like drinking palm wine (tuak), which causes them to fall ill and die. Because they limit their contact with the outside world, they end up having difficulty accessing health services. Many members of the Orang Darat died without proper medical attention. This also led to their dwindling population. Because their habit of living in the forest also makes it difficult for them to interact with people outside their group. Even so, the Orang Darat is known to be shy. It takes time to make sure they are comfortable talking to outsiders.

Physical characteristics

According to Kähler's (1960) report, the physical characteristics of the Orang Darat include their faces and bodies. These include round faces and snub noses. The men have medium-length beards, dark brown eyes, and smaller lips than the average Malays. While the female features have Chinese influences mixed with Malays, hair color varies from dark brown to jet black. Their hair is usually cut evenly around the head at ear level. But in general it is not much different from other Malays.

Language

German linguist, Hans Kähler, in his research entitled Ethnographische und linguistische Studien über die Orang Darat, Orang Akit, Orang Laut, Orang Utan im Riau-Archipel und auf den Inseln an der Ostküste von Sumatra (1960), stated that the Orang Darat have a different language and culture from the Orang Laut who inhabit the area. It was emphasized that the language used by the Orang Darat in Rempang was different from the Orang Laut language in Lingga, the Orang Akit language in Rupat, and Orang Hutan language in the Meranti Islands.

Linguistically, according to Kähler, the Orang Darat language is similar to the language of the indigenous people of Malaysia, namely the Jakun language in Johor and Pahang. This is based on the monitoring of Dutch people who have interacted with the Orang Darat since the 19th century. Elisha Netscher made a visit, and his notes were published in the Beschrijving Van Een Gedeelte Der Residentie Riouw (1849).

In addition to Hans Kähler, two linguists from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia; LIPI), Harimurti Kridalaksana and Zulkarnain, in the 1970s, to the island of Rempang to explore the language spoken by the Orang Darat, whom they called Orang Hutan because they lived in the Rempang forest. Found in the kinship system, the greetings used by the Orang Darat in everyday life are quite different from the Galang dialect of Riau Malay.

Examples of kinship greeting vocabulary in the Orang Darat language are as follows:

• neneng 'children's greetings to their male parents'
• nemang 'greetings to the female parents'
• mamak 'greetings to one's father and mother's brothers'
• amai 'greetings to one's father's and mother's sisters'
• cucuk 'greetings from grandparents to their grandchildren'
• apai 'greetings from grandchildren to their grandfathers'
• moyang 'greetings from a grandchild to his grandmother'
• oi 'greetings from a wife to her husband'
• bah 'greetings from a younger sibling to his older brother'
• kak 'a younger sister's greeting to an older sister'
• To address relatives of the same age or generation, use their names only. Older people call younger ones by name only.

According to Suarman & Galba (1993), the Orang Darat language is grouped into Old Malay. Their language has no levels, with everyone speaking the same language so they understand each other. However, to communicate with the Malays and outside their group, the Orang Darat usually use the Galang dialect of Riau Malay and Indonesian language. Their native language is even said to be almost or even extinct. Their language is not even understood by the average outsider.

The Orang Darat language is less understandable to people outside their community. However, according to them, the language is not very different from the Galang dialect of Riau Malay, considering the high assimilation of the Orang Darat into Malay people, also absorb Malay vocabulary into their language into it. Most the Orang Darat can no longer speak their native language because of the lack of their numbers to meet makes it difficult for them to communicate using the their native language.

Culture

Traditional house

Several coconut leaves are depicted floating in the middle of the forest on the island of Rempang. If you look closely, this roof is made from coconut leaves supported by small pieces of wood, which provided shelter in the middle of the Rempang forest at that time. There are no walls or floors like a normal house.

That is a portrait of the house of the Orang Darat as written by P. Wink, a Dutch national. He wrote this testimony in a travelogue entitled Verslag van een bezoek aan de Orang Darat van Rempang on 4 February 1930. This is a report of a visit to the Orang Darat on the island of Rempang at that time.

Settlement

The traditional settlement of the Orang Darat can be reached by traveling by boat through a small river in the mangrove forest south of Rempang. After arriving on land, there is immediately a path leading to the Orang Darat village, which consists of around 7 settlements called poendoeng 'village', known as kampung 'village' in Malay language. This is the report of P. Wink who visited Rempang, summarized in a book entitled Verslag van een bezoek aan de Orang Darat van Rempang on 4 February 1930.

Traditional names

From P. Wink's visit in 1930, several Orang Darat were met, including 8 men named Sarip, Rotjoh, Alam, Timoer, Lentok, Otah, Sindah, and Tjano. Then also, 12 women named Oengkai, Timah, Okam, Djelima, Soeleh, Tjétjé, Piai, Ia, Panéh, Perak, Soebang, and Lengah (the last four are widows), and 16 children named Benang, Boelan, Bintang, Oetjik, Adik, Monggoh, Kèdah, Gibang, Bidik, Abak, Dadik, and other girls, and Boental, Kanting, Toenggal, Oetoel, Akin, and other boys.

From their names, the influence of Malay names can be seen. Among them are Timah (Fatimah), Perak, Kedah, Abak, Toenggal, Boental, Boelan, Bintang, Ocik, and Lengah which are common terms for Malay. While other names represent their own unique naming etymology which is less common among other Malay people. Because their names are mononymous, their given names will be supplemented with their parents' names, for example Lamat anak Kosot. The word anak 'son' in the middle is an addition which can be interpreted as 'Lamat son of Kosot', similar to the pre-Islamic Malay name. However, after the arrival of Islam, it was changed to bin 'son', for example, Lamat bin Kosot.

Calendar and time

In Wink's notes, the Orang Darat is also said to not recognize years, dates, or even days. In harmony with the words of the elders of the Orang Darat, "I don't know what year, because I didn't go to school". Even the Orang Darat usually can't remember important times in their history. Usually remembering by describing life stories in the form of time based on personal development.

Daily consumption

Socially, the Orang Darat did not yet consume rice (beras). They eat sago and small fish caught by the parents off the coast of Rempang. They obtained their sago through a barter system with the Chinese people who were already present around Rempang. For example, the harvest of merawan bark was exchanged for sago.

The Orang Darat used to depend on the forest for their livelihood. They gathered everything from the forest to survive. From gathering bark to sell to harvesting stingless bee honey for consumption. They also hunted when the forests were still extensive in Rempang. They consumed almost all the animals. In Wink's travel notes in 1930, the Orang Darat did not recognize any prohibitions on eating certain meats, including pork, monkeys, and even snakes, except for venomous snakes.

Tradition

Death

Some sources mention that they moved residence when a member of the Orang Darat family died. They believe that the spirits of deceased family members will disturb them if they don't move. This habit has finally changed since they embraced Islam in the 1960s.

They are said to have a tradition of respect for ancestors, based on the fear of revenge from the deceased. The tradition is passed down from generation to generation through 7, 40, and 100 days of offering food at the grave of the deceased, while shouting, "hoen makan!".

Wedding

The marriage tradition of the Orang Darat, written by Wink, is based on the agreement between the man and woman with a dowry of two heaps of rice. However, now marriages in the Orang Darat are gradually becoming like other Malay people, with prayers for safety and warding off disaster.

In the Orang Darat's wedding customs, the groom must chase the bride around a large tree chosen for the purpose. If he gets the woman, then the marriage is over, but if he is too slow, then it will be fruitless.

See also

• Proto-Malay
• Orang Laut
• Malays (ethnic group)

References

Category:Ethnic groups in Indonesia Category:Ethnic groups in Sumatra Category:Modern nomads

Suzanne Guerlac is an American scholar of French literature and culture. She is Distinguished Professor Emerita of French at the University of California, Berkeley. Her work addresses nineteenth- and twentieth-century French literature and thought, with a focus on Henri Bergson, Marcel Proust, and the intersections of literature, philosophy, and the visual arts.

Early life and education

Suzanne Guerlac received her B.A. in philosophy from Barnard College in 1971 and her M.A. and Ph.D. in French Studies from Johns Hopkins University.

Personal life

She is the daughter of Henry Guerlac, who was Goldwin Smith Professor of History of Science at Cornell University, and Rita Carey Guerlac. In 1974, in New York, she married Charles Porter Stevenson Jr.; the two later divorced. She lives in Santa Fe, New Mexico, with her husband Stephen Mark Sharnoff.

Academic career

Guerlac taught at the University of Virginia, Yale University, Johns Hopkins University, and Emory University before joining the faculty at the University of California, Berkeley as a full professor in 1999. At Berkeley, she taught undergraduate and graduate courses through the Department of French and graduate seminars in the Program in Critical Theory, which she co-directed in the years leading up to her retirement.

Research and writings

Guerlac's work is interdisciplinary, encompassing French literature and culture, philosophy, and aesthetics.

Her first book, The Impersonal Sublime: Hugo, Baudelaire and Lautréamont (Stanford University Press, 1990), examines the aesthetic category of the sublime in French romanticism and avant-garde developments, drawing on rhetorical and philosophical treatments by Longinus, Edmund Burke, and Immanuel Kant.

Her second book, Literary Polemics: Bataille, Sartre, Valéry, Breton (Stanford University Press, 1997), analyzes the emergence of French theory in the 1960s–1970s, particularly the review Tel Quel. Guerlac explores roots of French theory in the literary practices and voices of Paul Valéry, Jean-Paul Sartre, André Breton, and dissident surrealist Georges Bataille, who associated literature with acts of transgression.

During her research for Literary Polemics, she encountered frequent references to the philosopher Henri Bergson, a major intellectual figure of the early 20th century. Her third book, Thinking in Time: An Introduction to Henri Bergson (Cornell University Press, 2006), introduces Bergson’s philosophy, focusing on time and duration. Her later work uses Bergson’s ideas to consider issues such as climate change, technological change, and claims concerning "artificial life" and social decline.

Her book Proust, Photography and the Time of Life: Ravaisson, Bergson and Simmel (Bloomsbury, 2020) explores Proust in relation to contemporary philosophers influenced by Bergson’s thought and examines the temporality and cultural history of photography.

Guerlac co-edited Derrida and the Time of the Political (with Pheng Cheah, Duke University Press, 2009), which includes her essay on Derrida and Paul Ricoeur. She also edited a special issue of MLN on Henri Bergson (120:5, December 2005).

She has contributed to reference works such as The Cambridge History of French Literature, The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French Thought, The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory and Criticism, and Encyclopedia of Modern Europe: Europe 1789–1914. She has published numerous essays, including "The Useless Image: Bataille, Magritte, Bergson" (Representations, Winter 2007), "Reflections on Durational Art" (Representations, 2016), "Little Cuts in Time: Photography and the Everyday" (in The Made and the Found, Essays in Honor of Michael Sheringham, 2017), and "Rancière and Proust: Two Temptations" (in Understanding Rancière, Understanding Modernism, 2016).

Critical reception

Suzanne Guerlac's scholarship has been widely recognized for its interdisciplinary approach, bridging French literature, philosophy, and visual culture, particularly through her analyses of Henri Bergson, Marcel Proust, and French theory. Her work has been praised for its clarity and intellectual rigor, contributing significantly to literary and philosophical studies.

The Impersonal Sublime: Hugo, Baudelaire, and Lautréamont (1990) was lauded for its nuanced exploration of the sublime in French romanticism. The French Review described it as "a sophisticated study that deftly weaves philosophical and rhetorical traditions, offering fresh insights into Hugo, Baudelaire, and Lautréamont." Critics noted its innovative use of Longinus, Burke, and Kant to reframe avant-garde aesthetics, establishing Guerlac as a key voice in literary theory. The book has garnered over 180 citations on Google Scholar as of 2025.

Literary Polemics: Bataille, Sartre, Valéry, Breton (1997) received acclaim for its analysis of French theory’s literary roots. The Modern Language Review called it "a lively and illuminating account of the intellectual tensions of the period" and "an important contribution to the study of French theory," particularly for its focus on the journal Tel Quel. SubStance praised its "rigorous examination of Bataille’s transgressive poetics," though some reviewers questioned its limited engagement with feminist perspectives in the surrealist context. It has received over 200 citations on Google Scholar.

Thinking in Time: An Introduction to Henri Bergson (2006) was celebrated for revitalizing interest in Bergson’s philosophy. Philosophy in Review described it as "a lucid and accessible introduction to Bergson’s philosophy that opens the way for further critical engagement," emphasizing its clarity in explicating time and duration. The Review of Metaphysics noted that it "successfully bridges Bergson’s ideas to contemporary issues like climate and technology," though some critics suggested it could have further explored Bergson’s influence on postmodernism. The book has over 500 citations on Google Scholar, reflecting its influence in philosophy and literary studies.

Proust, Photography and the Time of Life: Ravaisson, Bergson and Simmel (2020) was commended for its innovative synthesis of literature and visual culture. H-France Review called it "an ambitious and rewarding study that deepens our understanding of the temporality of photography and its philosophical stakes," highlighting its interdisciplinary approach. The Modern Language Review praised its "elegant integration of Proust’s narrative with Bergson’s and Simmel’s philosophies," though some reviewers noted its dense theoretical framework may challenge general readers. It has accumulated over 80 citations on Google Scholar.

Guerlac’s broader influence is evident in her contributions to reference works and essays, such as those in Representations and The Cambridge History of French Literature, which critics have cited for their interdisciplinary insights. Her work has been described as "a cornerstone for understanding the intersections of literature and philosophy in modern French thought" by scholars in the field. Across her publications, Guerlac's oeuvre has garnered over 300 citations on Google Scholar, with an h-index of approximately 12.

Media and public engagement

In a 1999 interview with the Emory Report, Guerlac discussed her intellectual journey and engagement with French culture. She has given public lectures at Humanities West in San Francisco (on Victor Hugo) and the Commonwealth Club (on Bergson).

Awards and recognition

Artforum highlighted Thinking in Time as one of the year's best books in 2006. The Modern Language Association awarded Guerlac the Aldo and Jeanne Scaglione Prize for French and Francophone Studies for Literary Polemics in 1997. Her work has been supported by UC Humanities Research Grants and a Townsend Center Bridge Grant. Guerlac has lectured internationally in France and the UK.

See also

• Henri Bergson
• Jacques Derrida
• Marcel Proust

References

External links

• Faculty page, UC Berkeley Department of French
• Profile, UC Berkeley Critical Theory Program

Category:Living people Category:University of California, Berkeley faculty Category:American literary critics Category:Barnard College alumni Category:Johns Hopkins University alumni Category:Year of birth missing (living people)