The Ashitha Revolt of 1843 was a revolt in , Hakkari, in the summer and autumn of 1843 after the massacres of the Assyrians of Diz and Upper Tyari. Following the massacres, the Assyrians of Lower Tyari then decided to rise up against the oppressive rule of the emirs of Bohtan and Hakkari.
Background
In the summer of 1843, and continuing until October, both the Diz and Upper Tyari clans were destroyed during the campaigns led by Kurdish emir Bedir Khan Beg and his allies. Afterward, the focus shifted to the Lower Tyari clan, which began to face harassment from the three Kurdish princes. One of them, Zeynel Beg the emir of Barwar, was stationed in the village of . He was temporarily housed in the school building constructed by the American missionary Dr. Grant, which had been repurposed for military use by Bedir Khan Beg. This marked the beginning of intensified pressure on the Lower Tyari clan, leading up to the events of the Ashitha Revolt. The Patriarch said: "you must assemble a military force of 300 fighters from the village (Ashitha) and you shall head to fight the Emir of the Bohtan emirate. Expel his followers from the Barwari region, and if it is possible to arrest him alive or dead" and in resistance to the massacres carried out by Bedir Khan Beg and Nurullah Beg. The revolt was driven by years of persecution, loss of tribal autonomy, and the growing threat of annihilation facing Assyrian villages in the Hakkari region. Zeynel Beg tried to collect taxes from the Lower Tyari clan through some Kurds whom he had appointed as his agents for this purpose. However, the sons of this clan killed these agents when they tried to carry out their mission, and they also tried to kill Zeynel Beg, but he escaped and entered a castle where there was a force assigned to protect him. After this incident, the leaders of the Lower Tyari clan met in the Margerwargis Monastery (Mar George Monastery) in Lizan and decided to defend their rights and dignity no matter the cost, and to inform the other clans of the situation and ask for their help. Accordingly, every individual capable of carrying a weapon was summoned, and their number was estimated at ten thousand fighters under the command of Malik Batu, his brother the deacon Neno, and Malik Jolo. The deacon Neno was sent with a force to besiege Zeynel Beg who was surrounded in the fortified castle of Ashitha. The Assyrians who surrounded the Kurdish forces cut off their access to water, food, and external aid for nine days. forcing him to surrender before he could call for help or threaten the rear of the forces of Malik Batu and Malik Jolo stationed north of Ashitha. Despite Zeynel Bey surrendering, they killed many of the men. Afterwards, Zeynel Bey reached the fortress and sent word requesting Bedir Khan’s assistance. Malik Batu, at the head of the main force of fighters from the Lower Tyari, confronted the Kurdish force that came to aid Zeynel Beg and his men, who numbered around 26,000 to 27,000 under the command of Bedir khan Beg, in order to prevent their advance.
Aftermath
The Dr. Grant, who was present at that battle, says that no less than 10,000 Kurds and about 5,500 Assyrian fighters fell on the battlefield. When Malik Batu was seriously wounded in his right thigh, the Kurds were able to break through the ranks of his men, and the two sides clashed with daggers and swords. Malik Batu was able to escape with his fighting men by withdrawing to the village of Ashitha in the Lizan Valley and taking refuge with their families in the fortified caves.<ref name":1" /><ref name":3" />
All the villages of Lower Tyari were burned, and the Kurds laid siege to those caves. The fighters preferred death to surrender, even though their water had run out. But the Kurds who knew about this cried out, swearing by the honor of Bedirkhan Beg that no harm would come to them if they left their weapons in the caves and went out with their families to the Zab to drink water. When the besieged saw that they had no way to escape, either to die of hunger and thirst or to accept the Kurds' offer, they decided to leave their rifles in the caves and hid their daggers inside their clothes in order to defend themselves and at least take revenge if they were betrayed. Everyone came out of those caves in a large, long column of women and children, led by men. When the head of the column reached the bank of the Zab River, and before the fighters could quench their thirst, the Kurds began their treacherous attack on this captive, defeated column. Those brave men drew their hidden daggers and clashed with the Kurds in a dagger battle with hearts of steel. They began to quench their thirst with blood instead of water.
The screams of the women, the crying of the children, and the groans of the wounded rose to the heavens in that deep valley, drowning out the sound of the waves of the Zab waters crashing against the rocks and the horror of that fierce battle from which no old man without teeth or child without teeth (according to the description of the American Dr. Grant)<ref name":3" /><ref name":1" /> escaped death, and the story of those who survived from death from among those who remained under the piles of corpses from the men of this Tribe. After Malik Batu was wounded and his fighting forces were torn apart, he withdrew across the mountains with the help of one of his heroic men who got him across to the left bank of the Zab River and took him to the Kurdish village of Badri, near the village of Jal, whose people were loyal to his family for the kindness, assistance, care and respect they had shown him over the centuries, despite being Kurds.
In those critical circumstances, the villagers proved their authenticity and ingratitude. They hid him and treated his wound for two weeks, during which he regained a little of his strength. He then moved to the Kurdish village of Sarzar, also loyal to Malik Batu's family, and located on the border between Tyari and Barwari Bala, which is currently located within the Iraqi borders because it is far from the enemy's sight. He remained for a short time under treatment by the Kurds of the villages of Dashtani and Sarzar in one of the caves of Mount Sarzar, but due to the arrival of autumn with its cold weather, he was transferred to the house of Sayyid Abdullah in the same village. Bedirkhan Beg's men were searching for him everywhere. When they reached the village and approached the house where Malek Batu was, the owner of the house shouted at them, "Aren't you Muslims? Why do you enter our houses by force?" Bedirkhan Beg's men left without finding Malik Batu, who remained in the village of Sarzar for two months.
After his wound healed, he traveled to Mosul where he met with Mar shimun Abraham.<ref name":1" /> <ref name":3" />
Background
In the summer of 1843, and continuing until October, both the Diz and Upper Tyari clans were destroyed during the campaigns led by Kurdish emir Bedir Khan Beg and his allies. Afterward, the focus shifted to the Lower Tyari clan, which began to face harassment from the three Kurdish princes. One of them, Zeynel Beg the emir of Barwar, was stationed in the village of . He was temporarily housed in the school building constructed by the American missionary Dr. Grant, which had been repurposed for military use by Bedir Khan Beg. This marked the beginning of intensified pressure on the Lower Tyari clan, leading up to the events of the Ashitha Revolt. The Patriarch said: "you must assemble a military force of 300 fighters from the village (Ashitha) and you shall head to fight the Emir of the Bohtan emirate. Expel his followers from the Barwari region, and if it is possible to arrest him alive or dead" and in resistance to the massacres carried out by Bedir Khan Beg and Nurullah Beg. The revolt was driven by years of persecution, loss of tribal autonomy, and the growing threat of annihilation facing Assyrian villages in the Hakkari region. Zeynel Beg tried to collect taxes from the Lower Tyari clan through some Kurds whom he had appointed as his agents for this purpose. However, the sons of this clan killed these agents when they tried to carry out their mission, and they also tried to kill Zeynel Beg, but he escaped and entered a castle where there was a force assigned to protect him. After this incident, the leaders of the Lower Tyari clan met in the Margerwargis Monastery (Mar George Monastery) in Lizan and decided to defend their rights and dignity no matter the cost, and to inform the other clans of the situation and ask for their help. Accordingly, every individual capable of carrying a weapon was summoned, and their number was estimated at ten thousand fighters under the command of Malik Batu, his brother the deacon Neno, and Malik Jolo. The deacon Neno was sent with a force to besiege Zeynel Beg who was surrounded in the fortified castle of Ashitha. The Assyrians who surrounded the Kurdish forces cut off their access to water, food, and external aid for nine days. forcing him to surrender before he could call for help or threaten the rear of the forces of Malik Batu and Malik Jolo stationed north of Ashitha. Despite Zeynel Bey surrendering, they killed many of the men. Afterwards, Zeynel Bey reached the fortress and sent word requesting Bedir Khan’s assistance. Malik Batu, at the head of the main force of fighters from the Lower Tyari, confronted the Kurdish force that came to aid Zeynel Beg and his men, who numbered around 26,000 to 27,000 under the command of Bedir khan Beg, in order to prevent their advance.
Aftermath
The Dr. Grant, who was present at that battle, says that no less than 10,000 Kurds and about 5,500 Assyrian fighters fell on the battlefield. When Malik Batu was seriously wounded in his right thigh, the Kurds were able to break through the ranks of his men, and the two sides clashed with daggers and swords. Malik Batu was able to escape with his fighting men by withdrawing to the village of Ashitha in the Lizan Valley and taking refuge with their families in the fortified caves.<ref name":1" /><ref name":3" />
All the villages of Lower Tyari were burned, and the Kurds laid siege to those caves. The fighters preferred death to surrender, even though their water had run out. But the Kurds who knew about this cried out, swearing by the honor of Bedirkhan Beg that no harm would come to them if they left their weapons in the caves and went out with their families to the Zab to drink water. When the besieged saw that they had no way to escape, either to die of hunger and thirst or to accept the Kurds' offer, they decided to leave their rifles in the caves and hid their daggers inside their clothes in order to defend themselves and at least take revenge if they were betrayed. Everyone came out of those caves in a large, long column of women and children, led by men. When the head of the column reached the bank of the Zab River, and before the fighters could quench their thirst, the Kurds began their treacherous attack on this captive, defeated column. Those brave men drew their hidden daggers and clashed with the Kurds in a dagger battle with hearts of steel. They began to quench their thirst with blood instead of water.
The screams of the women, the crying of the children, and the groans of the wounded rose to the heavens in that deep valley, drowning out the sound of the waves of the Zab waters crashing against the rocks and the horror of that fierce battle from which no old man without teeth or child without teeth (according to the description of the American Dr. Grant)<ref name":3" /><ref name":1" /> escaped death, and the story of those who survived from death from among those who remained under the piles of corpses from the men of this Tribe. After Malik Batu was wounded and his fighting forces were torn apart, he withdrew across the mountains with the help of one of his heroic men who got him across to the left bank of the Zab River and took him to the Kurdish village of Badri, near the village of Jal, whose people were loyal to his family for the kindness, assistance, care and respect they had shown him over the centuries, despite being Kurds.
In those critical circumstances, the villagers proved their authenticity and ingratitude. They hid him and treated his wound for two weeks, during which he regained a little of his strength. He then moved to the Kurdish village of Sarzar, also loyal to Malik Batu's family, and located on the border between Tyari and Barwari Bala, which is currently located within the Iraqi borders because it is far from the enemy's sight. He remained for a short time under treatment by the Kurds of the villages of Dashtani and Sarzar in one of the caves of Mount Sarzar, but due to the arrival of autumn with its cold weather, he was transferred to the house of Sayyid Abdullah in the same village. Bedirkhan Beg's men were searching for him everywhere. When they reached the village and approached the house where Malek Batu was, the owner of the house shouted at them, "Aren't you Muslims? Why do you enter our houses by force?" Bedirkhan Beg's men left without finding Malik Batu, who remained in the village of Sarzar for two months.
After his wound healed, he traveled to Mosul where he met with Mar shimun Abraham.<ref name":1" /> <ref name":3" />
In July 2018, U.S. president Donald Trump began a conflict with Federal Reserve chairman Jerome Powell, whom he nominated to the position in November 2017.
Background
Federal Reserve independence
Since the presidency of Bill Clinton, presidential administrations have largely avoided discussing decisions carried out by the Federal Reserve in order to ensure its independence. The Federal Reserve was chaired by the secretary of the treasury from its establishment in 1913 to 1935 amid the Great Depression and given the autonomy to determine monetary policy during the Korean War. Prior presidents had sought to lower interest rates by targeting the chair of the Federal Reserve. Lyndon B. Johnson objected to interest rate increases in 1965, leading to concerns from chairman William McChesney Martin. Richard Nixon successfully forced Arthur F. Burns to lower rates ahead of the 1972 presidential election, leading to high inflation. The 1973-1975 recession and the early 1980s recession prevented several presidents from pressuring the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates. George H. W. Bush—having presided over the early 1990s recession—criticized monetary policy in an interview with The New York Times in 1992.
Legal authority to fire Powell
The amended Federal Reserve Act allows the president to remove a Federal Reserve governor, but only "for cause"; Peter Conti-Brown, a University of Pennsylvania professor, argued to The Wall Street Journal that the definition of "for cause" has been interpreted to the standard of "inefficiency, neglect of duty or malfeasance in office" as affirmed by Humphrey's Executor v. United States (1935). Lawyers who advised Lyndon B. Johnson noted that he could not remove William McChesney Martin over Martin's decisions. In PHH Corp. v. CFPB (2018), judge Thomas B. Griffith argued that Humphreys Executor allowed presidents to dismiss officials for "ineffective policy choices". The applicability of "for cause" to the chair of the Federal Reserve is unclear. As chair of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell is additionally the chair of the Federal Open Market Committee, a central bank component that determines open market operations. The president has no jurisdiction over the committee.
Conflict
First presidency (2018-2021)
President Donald Trump nominated Jerome Powell to serve a four-year term as chair of the Federal Reserve in November 2017; he assumed the position in February 2018. His tenure began with an effort to argue for the independence of the Federal Reserve and to avoid criticism from Trump. In July, Trump said in a CNBC interviewed that he was "not thrilled" at Powell for raising interest rates. He continued his criticism of Powell through August, reiterating to Reuters that he was still "not thrilled" with interest rate increases. In an interview with Bloomberg News, Trump said that he did not regret appointing Powell. In October, Powell said he was focusing on "controlling the controllable" at The Atlantic Festival. At a press conference that month, Trump decried the Federal Reserve as "crazy", "loco", and said that it had "gone wild" with interest rate increases, leading to concerns that Trump could attempt to dismiss Powell; Trump rejected that claim. The Federal Reserve disregarded the comments, according to Politico. Steven Mnuchin, the secretary of the Treasury, and Larry Kudlow, the director of the National Economic Council, downplayed Trump's remarks. That month, Axios reported that Trump would not cease his insults against Powell, citing the belief that Powell would eventually lower rates. Trump told The Wall Street Journal that he "maybe" regretted appointing Powell and accused him of taking pleasure in increasing interest rates.
In November, Trump said he was displeased with Powell in an interview with The Washington Post, attributing him to a stock market decline and layoffs at General Motors. After Powell announced another interest rate increase the following month, Trump asked advisors if he could legally fire Powell; according to Bloomberg News, the Office of White House Counsel examined the request in February 2019. The New York Times reported that Trump had privately compared his legacy to Herbert Hoover with Powell's decisions and that he had told Stephen Moore, an economist for The Heritage Foundation, that appointing Powell was "one of the worst choices" he had made. In January 2019, Powell said he would not resign if asked to do so by Trump. Powell was present at a dinner at the White House with Trump, Mnuchin, and vice chair Richard Clarida in February. Trump continued to pressure Powell through April, including by announcing that he would nominate Moore and Herman Cain, a businessman and politician, to the Board of Governors. Trump renewed his criticism in June, appearing to praise the People's Bank of China's absence of independence. After Bloomberg News reported on the White House Counsel's assessment on firing Powell that month, Trump left open the possibility of removing him. As Trump asserted that he gave Powell prominence, he believed that he had the authority to fire Powell, according to Bloomberg.
Powell's interest rate strategy retained support from several Republican senators, including Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania and Richard Shelby of Alabama. After Powell said that the China-United States trade war caused uncertainty for the central bank in August, Trump questioned if Powell or Chinese president Xi Jinping was a greater "enemy" of the United States. Internal emails obtained by The New York Times showed concern within the Federal Reserve, though comments made by North Dakota senator Kevin Cramer, a Republican, were widely disseminated, including to Powell. Trump's trade policies are believed to have forced the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates, according to Politico. The following month, Trump urged Powell to lower interest rates to "zero, or less". Powell continued to value the importance of an independent Federal Reserve at the premiere of Marriner Eccles: Father of the Modern Federal Reserve in October, a film about the late chairman Marriner S. Eccles. That month, he signaled that the Federal Reserve would not reduce interest rates indefinitely. Appearing before the Congressional Joint Economic Committee in November, Powell publicly rebuked a negative interest rate as "certainly not" appropriate. That month, Trump and Powell, joined by Mnuchin, met at the White House, where Powell stated that the Federal Reserve would remain "nonpolitical".
In March 2020, amid initial onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, Trump repeated his claim that he could fire Powell, though he tempered his comments afterwards.
Post-presidency (2021-2025)
In February 2024, Trump told Fox Business that he would not re-appoint Jerome Powell—a perceived "political" actor—to a third term as chair should he be elected president for a second, non-consecutive term. In an apparent affront to Trump's rebuke of the Federal Reserve's independence, Powell stated that the Federal Reserve was "working to serve all Americans" in an interview with Marketplaces Kai Ryssdal.
Second presidency (2025-present)
Trump began his second term by continuing the conflict, claiming that Powell and the Federal Reserve for failing to lower inflation in January 2025.
In July, Politico reported that Russell Vought, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, was investigating a billion renovation to the Eccles Building that could serve as the basis for a "for cause" removal.
Responses
Economic
A working paper from researchers from Duke University and the London Business School found that Trump's tweets criticizing the Federal Reserve and Powell had a "statistically significant and negative effect" on markets, decreasing a cumulative ten basis points off of expected futures contracts for federal funds and suggesting that markets did not anticipate the independence of the Federal Reserve to hold.
Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, argued for the independence of the Federal Reserve in his earning call to investors in July 2025.
Congressional
Ohio senator Bernie Moreno began recruiting other senators to call for Powell's resignation, including Tommy Tuberville of Alabama and Rick Scott of Florida, in July 2025. Louisiana senator John Kennedy told Axios that he valued the independence of the Federal Reserve.
Background
Federal Reserve independence
Since the presidency of Bill Clinton, presidential administrations have largely avoided discussing decisions carried out by the Federal Reserve in order to ensure its independence. The Federal Reserve was chaired by the secretary of the treasury from its establishment in 1913 to 1935 amid the Great Depression and given the autonomy to determine monetary policy during the Korean War. Prior presidents had sought to lower interest rates by targeting the chair of the Federal Reserve. Lyndon B. Johnson objected to interest rate increases in 1965, leading to concerns from chairman William McChesney Martin. Richard Nixon successfully forced Arthur F. Burns to lower rates ahead of the 1972 presidential election, leading to high inflation. The 1973-1975 recession and the early 1980s recession prevented several presidents from pressuring the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates. George H. W. Bush—having presided over the early 1990s recession—criticized monetary policy in an interview with The New York Times in 1992.
Legal authority to fire Powell
The amended Federal Reserve Act allows the president to remove a Federal Reserve governor, but only "for cause"; Peter Conti-Brown, a University of Pennsylvania professor, argued to The Wall Street Journal that the definition of "for cause" has been interpreted to the standard of "inefficiency, neglect of duty or malfeasance in office" as affirmed by Humphrey's Executor v. United States (1935). Lawyers who advised Lyndon B. Johnson noted that he could not remove William McChesney Martin over Martin's decisions. In PHH Corp. v. CFPB (2018), judge Thomas B. Griffith argued that Humphreys Executor allowed presidents to dismiss officials for "ineffective policy choices". The applicability of "for cause" to the chair of the Federal Reserve is unclear. As chair of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell is additionally the chair of the Federal Open Market Committee, a central bank component that determines open market operations. The president has no jurisdiction over the committee.
Conflict
First presidency (2018-2021)
President Donald Trump nominated Jerome Powell to serve a four-year term as chair of the Federal Reserve in November 2017; he assumed the position in February 2018. His tenure began with an effort to argue for the independence of the Federal Reserve and to avoid criticism from Trump. In July, Trump said in a CNBC interviewed that he was "not thrilled" at Powell for raising interest rates. He continued his criticism of Powell through August, reiterating to Reuters that he was still "not thrilled" with interest rate increases. In an interview with Bloomberg News, Trump said that he did not regret appointing Powell. In October, Powell said he was focusing on "controlling the controllable" at The Atlantic Festival. At a press conference that month, Trump decried the Federal Reserve as "crazy", "loco", and said that it had "gone wild" with interest rate increases, leading to concerns that Trump could attempt to dismiss Powell; Trump rejected that claim. The Federal Reserve disregarded the comments, according to Politico. Steven Mnuchin, the secretary of the Treasury, and Larry Kudlow, the director of the National Economic Council, downplayed Trump's remarks. That month, Axios reported that Trump would not cease his insults against Powell, citing the belief that Powell would eventually lower rates. Trump told The Wall Street Journal that he "maybe" regretted appointing Powell and accused him of taking pleasure in increasing interest rates.
In November, Trump said he was displeased with Powell in an interview with The Washington Post, attributing him to a stock market decline and layoffs at General Motors. After Powell announced another interest rate increase the following month, Trump asked advisors if he could legally fire Powell; according to Bloomberg News, the Office of White House Counsel examined the request in February 2019. The New York Times reported that Trump had privately compared his legacy to Herbert Hoover with Powell's decisions and that he had told Stephen Moore, an economist for The Heritage Foundation, that appointing Powell was "one of the worst choices" he had made. In January 2019, Powell said he would not resign if asked to do so by Trump. Powell was present at a dinner at the White House with Trump, Mnuchin, and vice chair Richard Clarida in February. Trump continued to pressure Powell through April, including by announcing that he would nominate Moore and Herman Cain, a businessman and politician, to the Board of Governors. Trump renewed his criticism in June, appearing to praise the People's Bank of China's absence of independence. After Bloomberg News reported on the White House Counsel's assessment on firing Powell that month, Trump left open the possibility of removing him. As Trump asserted that he gave Powell prominence, he believed that he had the authority to fire Powell, according to Bloomberg.
Powell's interest rate strategy retained support from several Republican senators, including Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania and Richard Shelby of Alabama. After Powell said that the China-United States trade war caused uncertainty for the central bank in August, Trump questioned if Powell or Chinese president Xi Jinping was a greater "enemy" of the United States. Internal emails obtained by The New York Times showed concern within the Federal Reserve, though comments made by North Dakota senator Kevin Cramer, a Republican, were widely disseminated, including to Powell. Trump's trade policies are believed to have forced the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates, according to Politico. The following month, Trump urged Powell to lower interest rates to "zero, or less". Powell continued to value the importance of an independent Federal Reserve at the premiere of Marriner Eccles: Father of the Modern Federal Reserve in October, a film about the late chairman Marriner S. Eccles. That month, he signaled that the Federal Reserve would not reduce interest rates indefinitely. Appearing before the Congressional Joint Economic Committee in November, Powell publicly rebuked a negative interest rate as "certainly not" appropriate. That month, Trump and Powell, joined by Mnuchin, met at the White House, where Powell stated that the Federal Reserve would remain "nonpolitical".
In March 2020, amid initial onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, Trump repeated his claim that he could fire Powell, though he tempered his comments afterwards.
Post-presidency (2021-2025)
In February 2024, Trump told Fox Business that he would not re-appoint Jerome Powell—a perceived "political" actor—to a third term as chair should he be elected president for a second, non-consecutive term. In an apparent affront to Trump's rebuke of the Federal Reserve's independence, Powell stated that the Federal Reserve was "working to serve all Americans" in an interview with Marketplaces Kai Ryssdal.
Second presidency (2025-present)
Trump began his second term by continuing the conflict, claiming that Powell and the Federal Reserve for failing to lower inflation in January 2025.
In July, Politico reported that Russell Vought, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, was investigating a billion renovation to the Eccles Building that could serve as the basis for a "for cause" removal.
Responses
Economic
A working paper from researchers from Duke University and the London Business School found that Trump's tweets criticizing the Federal Reserve and Powell had a "statistically significant and negative effect" on markets, decreasing a cumulative ten basis points off of expected futures contracts for federal funds and suggesting that markets did not anticipate the independence of the Federal Reserve to hold.
Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, argued for the independence of the Federal Reserve in his earning call to investors in July 2025.
Congressional
Ohio senator Bernie Moreno began recruiting other senators to call for Powell's resignation, including Tommy Tuberville of Alabama and Rick Scott of Florida, in July 2025. Louisiana senator John Kennedy told Axios that he valued the independence of the Federal Reserve.
The Vadodara bomb hoaxes were a series of bomb threats made to private schools in Vadodara from 23 June 2025 to 4 July 2025, targeting students and teachers alike.
Threats
The first bomb threat in this time frame on 23 June was given to Navrachna International School, Sama. Nothing suspicious was found, with the campus being thoroughly checked. The bomb detection and disposal squad and the dog squad checked each and every classroom, and the special operations group sanitized the campus.
The mail mentioned the bomb going off at 2:00 PM (GMT+5:30). Tejal Amin, the chairperson of NES mentioned that they had an award ceremony that day, with parents present, and by 9:30 AM, the entire campus was evacuated.
Some sources say that the school received two emails, one on the school's email and one on the principal's. The contents of the email made some mention of the political situation in Tamil Nadu and were a bit similar to the email sent to their Bhayli branch earlier this year.
The next day, on 24 June, Gujarat Refinery English Medium School received a bomb threat by the same person, "Umar Farooq". Due to it's critical location, the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) responded to the threat swiftly. Additional teams such as Jawaharnagar Police, bomb detection and disposal squad, Special Operations Group (SOG) and crime branch conducted a thorough search of the entire school campus.
The next threat took place on 4 July 2025 in Cygnus World School, Harni. Officials confirmed that no explosive devices were found in any of the incidents and that all threats were hoaxes.
Threats
The first bomb threat in this time frame on 23 June was given to Navrachna International School, Sama. Nothing suspicious was found, with the campus being thoroughly checked. The bomb detection and disposal squad and the dog squad checked each and every classroom, and the special operations group sanitized the campus.
The mail mentioned the bomb going off at 2:00 PM (GMT+5:30). Tejal Amin, the chairperson of NES mentioned that they had an award ceremony that day, with parents present, and by 9:30 AM, the entire campus was evacuated.
Some sources say that the school received two emails, one on the school's email and one on the principal's. The contents of the email made some mention of the political situation in Tamil Nadu and were a bit similar to the email sent to their Bhayli branch earlier this year.
The next day, on 24 June, Gujarat Refinery English Medium School received a bomb threat by the same person, "Umar Farooq". Due to it's critical location, the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) responded to the threat swiftly. Additional teams such as Jawaharnagar Police, bomb detection and disposal squad, Special Operations Group (SOG) and crime branch conducted a thorough search of the entire school campus.
The next threat took place on 4 July 2025 in Cygnus World School, Harni. Officials confirmed that no explosive devices were found in any of the incidents and that all threats were hoaxes.
Amar Mulla is a senior advocate at the Supreme Court of India, a social activist, and an author. He is a member of the advisory body to the Home Ministry and was appointed General Secretary of the International Council of Jurists, based in London. Mulla has written extensively on various topics related to legal amendments.
Early life and education
Mulla was born in a Muslim family in Maharashtra. His father, Shahbuddin Hussain Mulla, is a retired army veteran and Rashtrapati Awardee, who served in India's wars against China in 1962 and Pakistan in 1971. He has two siblings: his elder brother is a doctor in the Defence Services.
Triple Talaq bill
Mulla was also involved in advocating for Muslim women's empowerment. He supported the Triple Talaq Act, which aimed to improve rights and protection for Muslim women in divorce cases. He also contributed to amendments in the Indian Succession Act of 1925, which sought to ensure equal property rights for Hindu women.
Selected books
* Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023
* The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023
* The Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023
* The Specific Relief Act, 1963
* Law of Maintenance<ref name=":22" />
* Indian Contract Act, 1872
* Hindu Law
* Law of Injunction
* Indian Succession Act, 1925
* The Transfer of Property Act, 1882
* The Law of Evidence Act
* The Code of Civil Procedures
* The Criminal Procedure Code, 1973
* The Hindu Law
* Family Law
* The Law of Evidence
References
Early life and education
Mulla was born in a Muslim family in Maharashtra. His father, Shahbuddin Hussain Mulla, is a retired army veteran and Rashtrapati Awardee, who served in India's wars against China in 1962 and Pakistan in 1971. He has two siblings: his elder brother is a doctor in the Defence Services.
Triple Talaq bill
Mulla was also involved in advocating for Muslim women's empowerment. He supported the Triple Talaq Act, which aimed to improve rights and protection for Muslim women in divorce cases. He also contributed to amendments in the Indian Succession Act of 1925, which sought to ensure equal property rights for Hindu women.
Selected books
* Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023
* The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023
* The Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023
* The Specific Relief Act, 1963
* Law of Maintenance<ref name=":22" />
* Indian Contract Act, 1872
* Hindu Law
* Law of Injunction
* Indian Succession Act, 1925
* The Transfer of Property Act, 1882
* The Law of Evidence Act
* The Code of Civil Procedures
* The Criminal Procedure Code, 1973
* The Hindu Law
* Family Law
* The Law of Evidence
References